Daniel Lubetzky

Buchanan House – United States Naval Academy
Annapolis, Maryland

[Emphasis added to highlight language nearly identical to that demanded in OneVoice Mandate]

     PRESIDENT BUSH:  The representatives of the government of the state of Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization, represented respective by Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, and President Mahmoud Abbas in his capacity as Chairman of the PLO Executive Committee and President of the Palestinian Authority, have convened in Annapolis, Maryland, under the auspices of President George W. Bush of the United States of America, and with the support of the participants of this international conference, having concluded the following joint understanding.

     We express our determination to bring an end to bloodshed, suffering and decades of conflict between our peoples; to usher in a new era of peace, based on freedom, security, justice, dignity, respect and mutual recognition; to propagate a culture of peace and nonviolence; to confront terrorism and incitement, whether committed by Palestinians or Israelis.  In furtherance of the goal of two states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace and security, we agree to immediately launch good-faith bilateral negotiations in order to conclude a peace treaty, resolving all outstanding issues, including all core issues without exception, as specified in previous agreements.

     We agree to engage in vigorous, ongoing and continuous negotiations, and shall make every effort to conclude an agreement before the end of 2008.  For this purpose, a steering committee, led jointly by the head of the delegation of each party, will meet continuously, as agreed.  The steering committee will develop a joint work plan and establish and oversee the work of negotiations teams to address all issues, to be headed by one lead representative from each party.  The first session of the steering committee will be held on 12 December 2007.

     President Abbas and Prime Minister Olmert will continue to meet on a bi-weekly basis to follow up the negotiations in order to offer all necessary assistance for their advancement.

     The parties also commit to immediately implement their respective obligations under the performance-based road map to a permanent two-state solution to the Israel-Palestinian conflict, issued by the Quartet on 30 April 2003 — this is called the road map — and agree to form an American, Palestinian and Israeli mechanism, led by the United States, to follow up on the implementation of the road map.

     The parties further commit to continue the implementation of the ongoing obligations of the road map until they reach a peace treaty.  The United States will monitor and judge the fulfillment of the commitment of both sides of the road map.  Unless otherwise agreed by the parties, implementation of the future peace treaty will be subject to the implementation of the road map, as judged by the United States.

11/27/2007

Speech translated from Hebrew

[Emphasis added to show similarity to language demanded in OneVoice Mandate and to point out moments of particular leadership in speaking also to the other side]

The Honorable President of the United States, George Bush,
My colleague, President of the Palestinian Authority, Mahmoud Abbas,
Heads of delegations,
Distinguished guests,

I came here today from Jerusalem at your invitation, Honorable President, to extend, on behalf of the people of Israel and the State of Israel, a hand in peace to the Palestinian people and to our neighboring Arab states, many of whose representatives are here with us in Annapolis.

I had many good reasons to refrain from coming to this meeting.

The memory of the failures of the near and distant past weighs heavy on us. The dreadful terrorism perpetrated by Palestinian terrorist organizations has affected thousands of Israeli citizens, destroyed families and attempted to disrupt the lives of all the citizens of Israel. I witnessed it personally during my term as Mayor of Jerusalem, at times of bombings at cafes, buses and recreational centers in Jerusalem and other cities in the State of Israel.

The continued shooting of Kassam rockets against tens of thousands of residents in the south of Israel, particularly in the city of Sderot, serves as a warning sign — one which cannot be overlooked. The absence of governmental institutes and effective law-enforcement mechanisms, the rule of Hamas in the Gaza Strip, the ongoing activity of murderous organizations throughout all the territories of the Palestinian Authority, the absence of a legal system which meets the basic criteria of a democratic government — all these are factors which deter us from moving forward too hastily.

I do not ignore all the obstacles which are sure to emerge along the way. They are right in front of me. I came here, despite the concerns and doubts and hesitations, to say to you, President Mahmoud Abbas, and through you, to your people and to the entire Arab world: It is time. We no longer, and you no longer, have the privilege of clinging to dreams which are disconnected from the sufferings of our peoples, the hardships they experience daily and the burden of living under ongoing uncertainty, with no chance for change or hope.

We want peace. We demand an end to terror, incitement and hatred. We are willing to make a painful compromise, rife with risks, in order to realize these aspirations.

I came here today not to settle historic accounts between us on what caused the conflict and hatred and what, for many years, stood in the way of compromise and peace.

I wish to say, from the bottom of my heart, that I know and acknowledge the fact that alongside the constant suffering which many in Israel have experienced because of the history, the wars, the terror and the hatred towards us — a suffering which has always been part of our lives in our land — your people have also suffered for many years, and some still suffer.

For dozens of years, many Palestinians have been living in camps, disconnected from the environment in which they grew, wallowing in poverty, neglect, alienation, bitterness, and a deep, unrelenting sense of deprivation. I know that this pain and deprivation is one of the deepest foundations which fomented the ethos of hatred towards us.

We are not indifferent to this suffering. We are not oblivious to the tragedies you have experienced. I believe that in the course of negotiations between us we will find the right way, as part of an international effort in which we will participate, to assist these Palestinians in finding a proper framework for their future, in the Palestinian state which will be established in the territories agreed upon between us. Israel will be part of an international mechanism which will assist in finding a solution to this problem.

The negotiations between us will not be here in Annapolis, but rather in our home and in yours. It will be bilateral, direct, ongoing and continuous, in an effort to complete it during the course of 2008.

It will address all the issues which have thus far been evaded. We will do it directly, openly and courageously. We will not avoid any subject, we will deal with all the core issues. I have no doubt that the reality created in our region in 1967 will change significantly. While this will be an extremely difficult process for many of us, it is nevertheless inevitable. I know it. Many of my people know it. We are ready for it.

The negotiations will be based on previous agreements between us, U.N. Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338, the road map and the April 14, 2004 letter of President Bush to the Prime Minister of Israel.

On conclusion of the negotiations, I believe that we will be able to reach an agreement which will fulfill the vision of President Bush: two states for two peoples. A peace-seeking, viable, strong, democratic and terror-free Palestinian state for the Palestinian people. A Jewish, democratic State of Israel, living in security and free from the threat of terror — the national home of the Jewish people.

It is clear that the implementation of an agreement will be subject to the implementation of all obligations in the road map, on all its phases and according to its sequence, as concluded between us from the very beginning. We will abide by all our obligations, and so will you.

The agreement with you and its gradual implementation, cautiously and responsibly, is part of a much wider complex which will lead us, hopefully, to peace with all the Arab states. There is not a single Arab state in the north, east or south with which we do not seek peace. There is no Muslim state with which we do not want to establish diplomatic relations. Anyone who wants peace with us, we say to them, from the bottom of our hearts: welcome!

I am pleased to see here, in this hall, representatives of Arab countries, most of which do not have relations with Israel. The time has come for you as well. You cannot continue to stand by indefinitely and watch the peace train go by. It is time to end the boycott and alienation towards the State of Israel. It is not helpful for you, and it hurts us.

I am familiar with the Arab peace initiative, which was born in Riyadh, affirmed in Beirut and recently reaffirmed by you in Riyadh. I value this initiative, acknowledge its importance and highly appreciate its contribution. I have no doubt that it will be referred to in the course of the negotiations between us and the Palestinian leadership.

The Arab world represented here by many countries is a vital component in creating a new reality in the Middle East.

The peace signed between Israel and Egypt, and subsequently between Israel and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, is a solid foundation of stability and hope in our region. This peace is an example and a model of the relations which we can build with Arab states.

My close relations with Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak and His Majesty King Abdullah II of Jordan are extremely significant for the process of building trust and understanding with the Arab states. However, these relations, as important as they may be, are not enough. We aspire for normalization with those Arab states which eschew, as much as we do, radical and frantic fundamentalism, and which seek to grant their citizens a more moderate, tolerant and prosperous world.

This is a common interest of all of us. There is a lot which separates us — memories and a heritage which do not emanate from the same historic roots, different ways of living, different customs, and our emotional, spontaneous sense of solidarity with our neighboring Arab countries, which have long been trapped in this age-old bloody conflict between us.
However, there is also a lot which brings us together. You, like us, know that religious fanaticism and national extremism are a perfect recipe for domestic instability, violence, bitterness and ultimately the disintegration of the very foundations of coexistence which is based on tolerance and mutual acceptance.

We are a tiny country with a small population, but rich in good will and with a significant ability to create a partnership which will lead to prosperity, growth, economic development and stability for the entire region.

The prospect of a new political horizon, and renewed hope, not only for Palestinians and Israelis, but also, together with you, for the entire region, can come from here, from Annapolis.

Honorable President of the United States, my colleague Mahmoud Abbas, distinguished guests, almost two years ago, under very sad circumstances, Prime Minister of Israel Ariel Sharon was no longer able to carry the heavy responsibility of leading the State of Israel, and this responsibility was passed on to me — first as a result of formal procedures, and subsequently on the basis of an election in Israel’s democratic system of government.

Prior to my election I stated that my heart’s desire and that of my people was to achieve peace, primarily with the Palestinian people. This is what I believed then and it is what I continue to believe in now, with all my heart.

The past two years have been difficult for all of us. The hardships have not been alleviated, the terror organizations have not weakened, the enemies of peace have not disappeared, and we are still anxiously awaiting the return of our missing and captive sons who are held by terror organizations. I long for the day when I can see Gilad, Eldad and Udi back with their families, and I will not falter in my efforts to achieve their release.

I believe that there is no path other than peace. I believe that there is no just solution other than the solution of two national states for two peoples.

I believe that there is no path which does not involve painful compromise for you Palestinians and for us Israelis. I want to thank you, President George Bush, an ally in the path of peace, for your willingness to assist in the historic process of peace and reconciliation between us and our neighbors.

I believe it is time. We are ready. I invite you, my friend Mahmoud Abbas, and your people, to join us in this long, tormenting and complex path, for which there is no substitute.

Together we will start. Together we will arrive.

November 27, 2007

From: PLO Mission – Washington, DC

President Mahmoud Abbas, Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Palestine Liberation Organization and President of the Palestinian National Authority

[Emphasis added to highlight similarities to OneVoice Mandate and OV language and to point out moments of particular leadership in speaking also to the other side]

In the Name of God, the Most Gracious Most Merciful

President Bush

Prime Minister Olmert

Ministers and Representatives of Participating States

Distinguished Guests,

Peace and the Grace of God be Upon You

Allow me Mr. President to thank you in my capacity as Chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization, the sole representative of the Palestinian people, and on behalf of the Palestinian people, for inviting us to this international conference. This conference symbolizes the crystallization of the entire world’s will in its march towards achieving a comprehensive and lasting peace in our region and in bringing long-anticipated justice to our country where oppression, wars, occupation and violence have prevailed in the previous decades.

Today, Your Excellency, you stress the need to make the most difficult choice-the choice of making peace and ending a dark era marked by hatred. It is an era for which the peoples of the region have paid a dear price with the lives of its youth, the future of subsequent generations and the prosperity, advancement and liberty of millions of us all.

Therefore, I thank you Mr. President. By calling this historic conference, you have sent a very clear and strong message to the peoples of the entire Middle East, who now watch with great hope as well as tremendous fear of losing yet another opportunity. The intent of your letter of invitation is not obscure: It expresses your personal commitment and the commitment of your great nation to attaching the highest priority to negotiations to achieve a long-awaited peace between both Palestinians and Israelis and the broader Arab world and Israel. We hope that this will be the culmination of your legacy for the world-a world more free of violence, persecution and fanaticism.

I must commend you, Your Excellency, on choosing this gorgeous city of Annapolis as the site for the conference. In addition to its beauty, Annapolis symbolizes liberty, the most exalted value of all. Freedom, for Palestinians is perhaps the most evocative word-the word that captures the collective hope of Palestinians and their aspiration for future generations. It is their sun and the light of their future. It is the last word of their martyrs and victims and the daily hymns of their prisoners.

I would also like to express my deep gratitude to Secretary Rice and her team. Without their persistence and perseverance-and without their ability to grasp all aspects of the conflict in our region-we would not have been able to gather here today. Secretary Rice took important strides in her quest to emphasize that the path to peace through negotiations is the only path-and that this path is irreversible.

I must also stress that the exceptionally broad participation of our brothers and sisters from Arab and Islamic countries, the Quartet, the G8 and the Permanent members of the United Nations, in addition to many European and Asian countries, as well as members from the Non-Alliance block and the African continent, in a conference unique in the conflict’s history is a driving force that helps imbue the conference with added legitimacy. This broad participation also demonstrates strong support for Palestinian and Israeli negotiators to persevere in their quest to reach the Two-State solution, which is based on ending the occupation and establishing a sovereign State of Palestine living side by side with the State of Israel by resolving all of the permanent status issues in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and the broader Arab-Israeli conflict, which will prove indispensable to forging peaceful and normal relations in the region. I am proud of this broad Arab and Muslim contribution and the broad international participation because it shows the support of sister countries for the Palestinian people and their leadership to establish peace. Such support endorses our approach, which calls for an historic and balanced settlement that will ensure peace and security for our independent state, for Israel and for the entire region.

The Arab and Islamic presence also demonstrates that the Arab Peace Initiative was never a move without a definite goal but rather a courageous strategic choice aimed at changing the nature of relations in the region and beginning anew. This historic Arab and Islamic shift and quest for a regional peace should now be a similar willingness to engage by all as it will lead to ending the occupation in all the Palestinian territories occupied in 1967, including East Jerusalem, as well as the Golan Heights and parts of Lebanon and as it will also lead to resolving all the other permanent status issues. Chief among these is the plight of Palestinian refugees which must be addressed holistically-that is, in its political, human, and individual dimensions in accordance with UNGA resolution 194, as emphasized in the Arab Peace Initiative, and with the participation of sister Arab countries who have borne the heavy burden of hosting the refugees for decades.

It is no exaggeration to say, Your Excellency, that today marks a juncture in the history of our region-a juncture between two eras: The Pre-Annapolis era and its aftermath. In other words, the exceptional opportunity that the Arab, Islamic and international presence brings today coupled with overwhelming Palestinian and Israeli public opinion in support of Annapolis, must be seized in order to be a launching pad for a negotiations process. The possibilities offered by today’s conference must not be wasted. This window of opportunity might never open again and if it does, it might never claim the same consensus or momentum.

Mr. President,

What we face today is not only the challenge of peace but also a test of the credibility of all involved: The credibility of the United States of America, members of the Quartet, the entire international community, Israel, the PLO and the Palestinian National Authority, as well as the Arab and Islamic group. It is a test that will draw deep marks in the future of the region and the relations among its peoples on the one hand and on the international forces that care about the region’s peace and security on the other.

With this outlook, we come to Annapolis today. We therefore recognize the weight of responsibility upon our shoulders and the burden that we will have to bear. We recognize, and I believe that you share our opinion, that the absence of hope and the infiltration of desperation into the hearts of peoples is what feeds extremism. It is therefore our joint duty to allow for real hope to thrive. This way, we hope that with your full support and involvement we might achieve a complete transformation and that a genuine peace can be achieved soon, before the end of your term, Mr. President.

Tomorrow, we embark on a serious and comprehensive negotiations process on all the permanent status issues including Jerusalem, refugees, borders, settlements, security, and water, as well as others. We must support such negotiations with tangible and direct steps on the ground, which will be taken as proof of having embarked on an irreversible track towards a negotiated, comprehensive and full peace. Such steps must involve freezing all settlement activities including natural growth, reopening institutions in Jerusalem, removing settlement outposts, removing checkpoints, releasing prisoners and facilitating the mission of the Palestinian Authority in restoring law and order.

With all frankness and without any hesitation, I have to defend the right of my people to open their eyes to a new dawn free of occupation, settlements, apartheid walls, prisons full of prisoners, targeted assassinations, and the siege of checkpoints around villages and cities. I look forward, Your Excellency, to the day when our prisoners are free and to the day when they can assume their roles in supporting peace and building their homeland and state. It is also my duty to say that the destiny of Jerusalem is a key issue in any peace treaty we reach. We want East Jerusalem to be our capital-a capital where we will have open relations with West Jerusalem and where we will guarantee for believers of all religions the freedom to practice their rituals and to have access to the holy sites without discrimination and in accordance with international humanitarian law.

In this context, I would like to emphasize that we will continue to carry out our responsibilities in accordance with the Roadmap in fighting lawlessness, violence and terrorism and in restoring law and order. The government of the PA is working tirelessly in extremely difficult conditions to achieve this noble cause. We do this for our own people because we must, not because it is a political requirement imposed upon us in previous accords or the Roadmap.

Our people clearly understand the difference between the threat posed by terrorism versus using terrorism as a pretext to maintain an intolerable situation. Our civil, security and economic institutions must be given the opportunity to function and this process must be sponsored by the international community until our authority and government are able to fully assume their responsibilities. I must also stress that our determination to end occupation stems from our vision that by doing so we destroy one of the most important excuses for terrorism in our region and in the world. I say this without undermining the necessity to fight terrorism regardless of time, conditions or source because it is a danger that threatens the future of all peoples and can doom civilization and destroy its accomplishments.

Here, I would like to praise Mr. Tony Blair for his distinctive and meticulous role in building Palestinian institutions and promoting major economic projects to improve the conditions of daily life and consequently prospects of peace. He is amazing in presenting creative ideas that contribute to inspire political movement and promote security. In this regard, the role of the European Union, Japan and our Arab brothers who provide ongoing support for economic projects and institution building is also highly appreciated.

Mr. President,

I want to use this opportunity to speak to every mind, heart and conscience of every Israeli citizen, based on my full recognition that without undermining the importance of international and regional backing, the determining element for making peace and sustaining it are the public opinions in Palestine and in Israel and the commitment of their legitimate leaderships.

I would like to begin by saying that in spite of our differences over some of the most difficult issues in the Conflict, Prime Minister Ehud Olmert has shown a desire for peace that I felt during our bilateral meetings. This desire for peace has genuinely contributed to our reaching this important step that we inaugurate today. Mr. Prime Minister, I would like to continue working closely with you until we are able to complete this historic long-awaited mission together. It is essential that each one of us uses his weight, experience and determination to overcome the difficulties that will face us and to bridge the gaps between our two positions so that we can achieve a resolution. This is how we will end occupation and long years of suffering for our refugees; this is how we will ensure neighborly relations, economic cooperation and people-to-people relations, all of which are the strongest guarantees for a sustainable peace.

I would also like to speak to the citizens of Israel on this exceptional occasion to tell them: Our neighbors on this small piece of land, neither you nor we are begging for peace from one another. Peace is a common interest of yours and ours. Peace and freedom are our rights just as peace and security are your rights and ours.

It is time that the cycle of bloodshed, violence and occupation end. It is time to look into the future with confidence and hope. It is time for this aching land that is called the land of love and peace to live up to its name. Peace is not impossible if we have the will and the good intentions and when each side realizes its rights.

He who says that making peace between Palestinians and Israelis is impossible wants only to prolong the duration of conflict and to propel it into the abyss of the unknown. This unknown is unfortunately very known to us: it is more decades of bloodshed, after which we will not arrive to a solution different from what is offered today-the contours and the essence of which is known to each one of us. The continuation of the conflict might also lead to the death of the idea of peace in our minds, hearts and consciousness. Peace is possible. It requires, however, a common effort to achieve it and to sustain it. Today we extend our hands to you as equals and the world is our witness and support. We must not lose this opportunity that might never be repeated. Let us make the peace of the brave and guard it for the sake of both our children and yours.

To our friends all over the world: members of the Quartet, participants in this conference, and other countries and nations who are not present here today who supported us in the past and who continue to be willing to help us, I would like to tell you that our people will not forget your support under the most difficult conditions. We are looking forward to your continued political presence with us after the conference is over to ensure the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations process achieves its goals. We hope that the work of this conference will be enhanced by the success of the Paris Economic conference that will be held in a few weeks.

The continuation of the negotiations and their success is the real key to changing the face of the entire region.

The Almighty God says in the Holy Quran: O Ye who believe! Come all of you into peace and follow not the footsteps of the devil. He is an open enemy for you. Al-Baqra 208

And if they incline to peace, incline also to it, and trust in Allah. He is the hearer, the knower. Al-Anfal 61

I also would like to recall what President John F. Kennedy said: "Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate."

To my Palestinian people, to all Palestinians in Gaza, Jerusalem, the West Bank, and the refugee camps in the Diaspora, I would like to share these words with you: I recognize that each and every one of you has their personal pain and special tragedy stemming from this conflict and years of al-Nakbeh and bitter occupation. Do not lose confidence or hope. The entire world is extending their hands to us to help end the years of our everlasting Nakbeh. The world is trying to help us end the historic injustice that was inflicted on our two peoples. We will be ready as individuals and as a people to overcome the pain and tragedy when we reach a settlement that will give us rights that are equal to people elsewhere on this world: the rights to independence and self-determination.

And to Palestinian mothers who are awaiting the return of their jailed sons; to the children who are dreaming of a new life and a prosperous and more peaceful future; to our brave prisoners and to all of my sons and daughters wherever you are: Have faith in tomorrow and the future because an independent Palestine is coming. This is the promise of the entire world to you today. Trust that the dawn is coming.

To my people and family in the Gaza Strip: You are in my heart and the hours of darkness will vanish before your determination does and our determination to the unity of our people in the West Bank and Gaza as a unified and unbreakable geographic and political entity will overcome. Your suffering will end. Justice and peace will prevail.

Mr. President,

I would like to end with a quote from President Abraham Lincoln, which he wrote during one of the most difficult moments in American history: "Let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to do all that we may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations."

Thank you Mr. President and Peace and blessings of God be upon you.

[Emphasis added below to highlight OV message, juxtaposed to other organizations mentioned below]

By DAVID DISHNEAU

ANNAPOLIS, Md. (AP) — More than a hundred activists demonstrated Tuesday outside the gates of the U.S. Naval Academy, offering their own very public take on the Israeli-Palestinian dispute as representatives of more than 50 nations and organizations met inside to chart a course toward a peace pact by the end of next year.

The rallies ran the gamut from a costumed protester mocking Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice to a peace activist who was hopeful the talks would foster further peace negotiations such as those outlined by President Bush, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas.

"We need to make sure that their voices can be heard thousands of miles away," said Erin Pineda of One Voice Movement, which supports Israeli-Palestinian efforts leading to a Palestinian state.

Conservative and liberal Jewish activists, Palestinians, Christians and others planned demonstrations throughout the day outside the academy’s closed main gate and at other locations in the historic Chesapeake Bay city.

The demonstrations in chilly, blustery downtown Annapolis were lightly attended compared with the tens of thousands of Palestinians in the Hamas-ruled Gaza Strip who rallied Tuesday in opposition to the conference. In the West Bank city of Hebron, Palestinian police loyal to Abbas violently dispersed a demonstration against the summit, killing one protester, medical officials said.

The one-day Annapolis conference was officially announced only a week in advance. The tight schedule and short notice made it difficult for interest groups to rally large numbers of people.

The events began with a rally by Jewish Americans opposed to the conference. "No peace with terrorists," they chanted. Rabbi Shmuel Herzfeld of the Coalition of Jewish Concerns-Amcha said the summit amounted to a reward for terrorists. He said the Bush administration was "playing games with the innocent blood of the men and women of Israel."

Liz Houricane, dressed as a prison inmate and wearing a giant papier-mache mask of Rice, said the conference should have included representatives of Hamas, an Islamic militant group.

The summit "is really symbolic, more than anything," said Houricane, a member of Code Pink, a group formed in opposition to the Iraq war. She said Rice should be in jail for supporting the U.S. invasion of Iraq.

Danielle Greene of Falls Church, Va., said the summit was meant to make the Bush administration look good. She said nothing would come of such an event until the United States accepts Hamas and Hezbollah, the Lebanese umbrella organization of radical Islamic Shiite groups that is a bitter foe of Israel.

From the Wall Street Journal – November  26, 2007, Page A21

Herewith some thoughts about tomorrow’s Annapolis peace  conference, and the larger problem of how to approach the Israel-Palestine  conflict. The first question (one might think it is obvious but apparently  not) is, "What is the conflict about?" There are basically two  possibilities: that it is about the size of Israel, or about its  existence.

If the issue is about the size of Israel, then we have a  straightforward border problem, like Alsace-Lorraine or Texas. That is to  say, not easy, but possible to solve in the long run, and to live with in  the meantime.
If, on the other hand, the issue is the existence of  Israel, then clearly it is insoluble by negotiation. There is no  compromise position between existing and not existing, and no conceivable  government of Israel is going to negotiate on whether that country should  or should not exist.

PLO and other Palestinian spokesmen have, from time to  time, given formal indications of recognition of Israel in their  diplomatic discourse in foreign languages. But that’s not the message  delivered at home in Arabic, in everything from primary school textbooks  to political speeches and religious sermons. Here the terms used in Arabic  denote, not the end of hostilities, but an armistice or truce, until such  time that the war against Israel can be resumed with better prospects for  success. Without genuine acceptance of Israel’s right to exist as a Jewish  State, as the more than 20 members of the Arab League exist as Arab  States, or the much larger number of members of the Organization of the  Islamic Conference exist as Islamic states, peace cannot be negotiated.

A good example of how this problem affects negotiation is  the much-discussed refugee question. During the fighting in 1947-1948,  about three-fourths of a million Arabs fled or were driven (both are true  in different places) from Israel and found refuge in the neighboring Arab  countries. In the same period and after, a slightly greater number of Jews  fled or were driven from Arab countries, first from the Arab-controlled  part of mandatory Palestine (where not a single Jew was permitted to  remain), then from the Arab countries where they and their ancestors had  lived for centuries, or in some places for millennia. Most Jewish refugees  found their way to Israel.

What happened was thus, in effect, an exchange of  populations not unlike that which took place in the Indian subcontinent in  the previous year, when British India was split into India and Pakistan.  Millions of refugees fled or were driven both ways — Hindus and others  from Pakistan to India, Muslims from India to Pakistan. Another example  was Eastern Europe at the end of World War II, when the Soviets annexed a  large piece of eastern Poland and compensated the Poles with a slice of  eastern Germany. This too led to a massive refugee movement — Poles fled  or were driven from the Soviet Union into Poland, Germans fled or were  driven from Poland into Germany.

The Poles and the Germans, the Hindus and the Muslims, the  Jewish refugees from Arab lands, all were resettled in their new homes and  accorded the normal rights of citizenship. More remarkably, this was done  without international aid. The one exception was the Palestinian Arabs in  neighboring Arab countries.

The government of Jordan granted Palestinian Arabs a form  of citizenship, but kept them in refugee camps. In the other Arab  countries, they were and remained stateless aliens without rights or  opportunities, maintained by U.N. funding. Paradoxically, if a Palestinian  fled to Britain or America, he was eligible for naturalization after five  years, and his locally-born children were citizens by birth. If he went to  Syria, Lebanon or Iraq, he and his descendants remained stateless, now  entering the fourth or fifth generation.

The reason for this has been stated by various Arab  spokesmen. It is the need to preserve the Palestinians as a separate  entity until the time when they will return and reclaim the whole of  Palestine; that is to say, all of the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and  Israel. The demand for the "return" of the refugees, in other words, means  the destruction of Israel. This is highly unlikely to be approved by any  Israeli government.

There are signs of change in some Arab circles, of a  willingness to accept Israel and even to see the possibility of a positive  Israeli contribution to the public life of the region. But such opinions  are only furtively expressed. Sometimes, those who dare to express them  are jailed or worse. These opinions have as yet little or no impact on the  leadership.

Which brings us back to the Annapolis summit. If the issue  is not the size of Israel, but its existence, negotiations are foredoomed.  And in light of the past record, it is clear that is and will remain the  issue, until the Arab leadership either achieves or renounces its purpose  — to destroy Israel. Both seem equally unlikely for the time being.

Mr. Lewis, professor emeritus at Princeton, is the  author, most recently, of "From Babel to Dragomans: Interpreting the  Middle East" (Oxford University Press, 2004).

URL for this article:
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB119604260214503526.html

[Emphasis added to highlight OV Mandate similarities and/or incisive important language]

Thank you for coming. Prime Minister Olmert, President Abbas, Secretary-General Ban, former Prime Minister Blair, distinguished guests, welcome to one of the finest institutions we have in America, the United States Naval Academy. We appreciate you joining us in what I believe is an historic opportunity to encourage the expansion of freedom and peace in the Holy Land.

We meet to lay the foundation for the establishment of a new nation, a democratic Palestinian state that will live side by side with Israel in peace and security.

We meet to help bring an end to violence that has been the true enemy to the aspirations of both the Israelis and Palestinians.

[He Reads Joint Statement - contained in this link]

Congratulations for your strong leadership. Appreciate you.

The Palestinian people are blessed with many gifts and talents. They want the opportunity to use those gifts to better their own lives and build a future for their children.

They want the dignity that comes with sovereignty and independence. They want justice and equality under the rule of law. They want freedom from violence and fear.

The people of Israel have just aspirations as well. They want their children to be able to ride a bus or to go to school without fear of suicide bombers. They want an end to rocket attacks and constant threats of assault. They want their nation to be recognized and welcomed in the region where they live.

Today Palestinians and Israelis each understand that helping the other to realize their aspirations is key to realizing their own aspirations. Both require an independent, democratic, viable Palestinian state. Such a state will provide Palestinians with a chance to lead lives of freedom and purpose and dignity. Such a state will help provide the Israelis with something they have been seeking for generations — to live in peace with their neighbors.

Achieving this goal is not going to be easy. If it were easy, it would have happened a long time ago. To achieve freedom and peace, both Israelis and Palestinians will have to make tough choices. Both sides are sober about the work ahead. But having spent time with their leaders, they are ready to take on the tough issues.

As Prime Minister Olmert recently put it, we will avoid none of the historic questions. We will not run from discussing any of them. As President Abbas has said, I believe that there is an opportunity not only for us, but for the Israelis, too. We have an historic and important opportunity that we must benefit from. It is in that spirit that we concluded — that they concluded this statement I just read.

Our purpose here in Annapolis is not to conclude an agreement. Rather, it’s to launch negotiations between the Israelis and the Palestinians. For the rest of us, our job is to encourage the parties in this effort and to give them the support they need to succeed.

In light of recent developments, some have suggested that now is not the right time to pursue peace. I disagree. I believe now is precisely the right time to begin these negotiations, for a number of reasons.

First, the time is right because Palestinians and Israelis have leaders who are determined to achieve peace. President Abbas seeks to fulfill his people’s aspirations for statehood, dignity and security. President Abbas understands that a Palestinian state will not be born of terror and that terrorism is the enemy standing in the way of a state. He and Prime Minister Fayyad have both declared without hesitation that they are opposed to terrorism and committed to peace. They are committed to turning these declarations into actions on the ground to combat terror.

The emergence of responsible Palestinian leaders has given Israeli leaders the confidence they need to reach out to the Palestinians in true partnership. Prime Minister Olmert has expressed his understanding of the suffering and indignities felt by the Palestinian people. He has made clear that the security of Israel will be enhanced by the establishment of a responsible, democratic Palestinian state. With leaders of courage and conviction on both sides, now is the time to come together and seek the peace that both sides desire.

Second, the time is right because the battle is under way for the future of the Middle East, and we must not cede victory to the extremists. With their violent actions and contempt for human life, the extremists are seeking to impose a dark vision on the Palestinian people, a vision that feeds on hopelessness and despair to sow chaos in the Holy Land. If this vision prevails, the future of the region will be endless terror, endless war and endless suffering.

Standing against this dark vision are President Abbas and his government. They are offering the Palestinian people an alternative vision for the future, a vision of peace, a homeland of their own and a better life. If responsible Palestinian leaders can deliver on this vision, they will deal the forces of extremism a devastating blow. And when liberty takes root in the rocky soil of the West Bank and Gaza, it will inspire millions across the Middle East who want their societies built on freedom and peace and hope.

In contrast, if Palestinian reformers cannot deliver on this hopeful vision, then the forces of extremism and terror will be strengthened.

A generation of Palestinians could be lost to the extremists, and the Middle East will grow in despair. We cannot allow this to happen. Now is the time to show Palestinians that their dream of a free and independent state can be achieved at the table of peace and that the terror and violence preached by Palestinian extremists is the greatest obstacle to a Palestinian state.

Third, the time is right because the world understands the urgency of supporting these negotiations. We appreciate that representatives from so many governments and international institutions have come to join us here in Annapolis, especially the Arab world. We are here because we recognize what is at stake. We are here because we each have a vital role to play in helping Palestinians forge the institutions of a free society. We’re here because we understand that the success of these efforts to achieve peace between Israelis and Palestinians will have an impact far beyond the Holy Land. These are the reasons we’ve gathered here in Annapolis, and now we begin the difficult work of freedom and peace.

The United States is proud to host this meeting and reaffirm the path to peace set out in the road map. But in the end, the outcome of the negotiations they launch here depends on the Israelis and Palestinians themselves. America will do everything in our power to support their quest for peace, but we cannot achieve it for them. The success of these efforts will require that all parties show patience and flexibility and meet their responsibilities.

For these negotiations to succeed, the Palestinians must do their part. They must show the world they understand that while the borders of a Palestinian state are important, the nature of a Palestinian state is just as important. They must demonstrate that a Palestinian state will create opportunity for all its citizens and govern justly and dismantle the infrastructure of terror. They must show that a Palestinian state will accept its responsibility and have the capability to be a source of stability and peace for its own citizens, for the people of Israel and for the whole region.

The Israelis must do their part. They must show the world that they are ready to begin — bring an end to the occupation that began in 1967 through a negotiated settlement. This settlement will establish Palestine as a Palestinian homeland, just as Israel is a homeland for the Jewish people. Israel must demonstrate its support for the creation of a prosperous and successful Palestinian state by removing unauthorized outposts, ending settlement expansion and finding other ways for the Palestinian Authority to exercise its responsibilities without compromising Israel’s security.

Arab states also have a vital role to play. Relaunching the Arab League initiative and the Arab League support for today’s conference are positive steps. All Arab states should show their strong support for the government of President Abbas and provide needed assistance to the Palestinian Authority.

Arab states should also reach out to Israel, work toward the normalization of relations, and demonstrate in both word and deed that they believe that Israel and its people have a permanent home in the Middle East. These are vital steps toward the comprehensive peace that we all seek.

Finally, the international community has important responsibilities. Prime Minister Fayyad is finalizing a plan to increase openness and transparency and accountability throughout Palestinian society, and he needs the resources and support from the international community. With strong backing from those gathered here, the Palestinian government can build the free institutions that will support a free Palestinian state.

The United States will help Palestinian leaders build these free institutions, and the United States will keep its commitment to the security of Israel as the Jewish state and homeland for the Jewish people.

The United States strongly feels that these efforts will yield the peace that we want, and that is why we will continue to support the Lebanese people. We believe democracy brings peace, and democracy in Lebanon is vital as well for the peace in the Middle East.

The Lebanese people are in the process of electing a president. That decision is for the Lebanese people to make, and they must be able to do so free from outside interference and intimidation. As they embark on this process, the people of Lebanon can know that the American people stand with them, and we look forward to the day when the people of Lebanon can enjoy the blessings of liberty without fear of violence or coercion.

The task begun here at Annapolis will be difficult. This is the beginning of the process, not the end of it, and no doubt a lot of work remains to be done. Yet the parties can approach this work with confidence. The time is right, the cause is just, and with hard efforts, I know they can succeed.

President Abbas and Prime Minister Olmert, I pledge to devote my effort during my time as president to do all I can to help you achieve this ambitious goal. I give you my personal commitment to support your work with the resources and resolve of the American government.

I believe the day is coming when freedom will yield the peace we desire, and the land that is holy to so many will see the light of peace. The day is coming when Palestinians will enjoy the blessings that freedom brings and all Israelis will enjoy the security they deserve. That day is coming. The day is coming when the terrorists and extremists who threaten the Israeli and Palestinian people will be marginalized and eventually defeated.

And when that day comes, future generations will look to the work we began here in Annapolis. They will give thanks to the leaders who gathered on the banks of the Chesapeake, for their vision, their wisdom and courage to choose a future of freedom and peace.

Thanks for coming. May God bless their work.

It is instructive to take a look at the groups opposing the efforts to negotiate an end to the conflict through negotiations among Israelis and Palestinians….

These primarily include:

Ayatollah in Iran: Says Annapolis "Doomed To Failure"

Hamas in Gaza: Sponsors Anti-Annapolis Meeting and Slams Arab Countries for Participating, Condemns Abbas and Arab Leaders

Right-Wing Jews in Israel Who Urge the Construction of More Settlements in the West Bank and who organized a special prayer at the Western Wall for "the failure of Annapolis"

An Unholy alliance?

As for the last 6 years OneVoice citizens, scholars, dignitaries and civic and religious leaders have engaged in the broadest process for conflict resolution among citizens, several lessons have become apparent that are instructive:

· Politicians need to say what needs to be said, to acknowledge both sides, to not just say what their constituents want to hear but what their constituents need to hear;

· The era of “constructive ambiguity” should be banished and replaced by a concrete and explicit outline of the deep interests and needs of each side and movement to forge a clear historic compromise; the more explicit the better because otherwise each side will sell its version of the agreement and fissures will come out;

· It is imperative for the leaders to find a way, if not in Annapolis then soon thereafter, where they SPEAK AS ONEVOICE, when the Palestinian and Israeli leadership can speak about BOTH SIDES’ needs and perspectives, to acknowledge the reality of a neighbor on the other side, to educate and prepare the public for a deal;

· Focused, sustained and ongoing effort is necessary to deepen the understanding and to establish trust; Professional Dedicated Full Time Negotiation Teams that put the National Interest above personality or vanity or partisan politics are imperative to make progress;

· A Third Party Mediator is ABSOLUTELY NECESSARY or else the parties will hang on to positions and endless Mideast bargaining; it is important to keep bringing back the parties to understand their INTERESTS and not just stick to fixed POSITIONS;

· These things take a lot of time; sometimes negotiations will get stuck on one word or one phrase, for hours or days; a systematic process needs to be followed to keep making progress and not circulate around and revisit issues aimlessly;

· Confidence Building Measures and tangible progress on the ground are important to keep the momentum going and to ensure the support from the people, as they see benefits to the peace process.

• Tony Blair’s efforts to create jobs for the Palestinian people are vital
• President Abbas’s commitment to dismantle underground militias AND to establish the rule of law are vital
• Prime Minister Olmert’s commitment to dismantle unauthorized settlements AND to freeze further settlement construction are vital;

How is OneVoice Connected To The Negotiations Process? It was BORN to rekindle it.

· OneVoice was founded in the aftermath of the breakdown of the Camp David negotiations to amplify the voice of the overwhelming majority of Palestinian and Israeli citizens who cherish an end to the conflict and recognize the only way to achieve it is through a two state solution

· OneVoice began last year a campaign to urge the Israeli and Palestinian Heads of State to immediately commence ongoing negotiations, uninterrupted until the conclusion of a comprehensive peace agreement, within a year of commencing the process

o That means that we urge the leaders to complete an agreement no later than Nov 27 2008

· Over 620,000 global citizens, including roughly 300,000 Israelis and 300,000 Palestinians, have thus far joined the movement as signatories to the OneVoice Mandate and/or the OneVoice Principles;

· When we began the campaign, many thought it was too risky and irresponsible to demand negotiations when no prospects for peace where in the horizon, let alone uninterrupted negotiations till the conclusion of an agreement, and let alone a comprehensive agreement

· OneVoice has had an opportunity to influence their leaders and share its message directly with them, including when it succeeded in getting President Abbas, Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni, and President Peres together in Davos to hear the message from the people; President Abbas and Foreign Minister Livni, both during the Davos session and thereafter, acknowledged the impact and inspiration from seeing hundreds of their young speak to them with passion about their support for their leadership to end the conflict.

· A delegation of OneVoice activists, youth leaders, and executive directors from Gaza, Ramallah, Tel Aviv, New York and London will be available in Annapolis, Jerusalem, and New York City to represent and speak on behalf of the 620,000+ citizens that have signed on to the OneVoice Mandate demanding immediate negotiations, uninterrupted till the conclusion of a two state agreement, no later than a year from now. www.OneMillionVoices.org

• Hamas and Iran have vocally opposed Annapolis and deemed it a failure before it even started
• It is true that Hamas’s control of Gaza is a significant barrier to a two state solution
• A lot is at stake for Abbas; if no progress is made in Annapolis, he will be weakened; if no progress is made over the coming year, he may fall;
• But if Abbas and Olmert make progress over this year and begin implementing confidence building measures, they will weaken the grip of Hamas; if Abbas and Olmert achieve an agreement that meets the support of the people, they will be able to start implementing it in the West Bank, and such progress with create enormous pressure on Hamas to either accept the will of the Palestinian people or face being dislodged through elections or through force;
• The most recent show of force of citizens disenchanted with Hamas rule – with anywhere between 250,000 and half a million citizens – about a third of the entire population of Gaza – showing on the streets to march against Hamas’s abuse demonstrates that Hamas is losing its grip;
• Iran is obviously displeased with Annapolis and will try to undermine it with all its might; it is imperative for the leaders to not give Iran a veto power by freezing negotiations if any attacks are made.